W2: Civil Rights

Due Sep 13 – Sep 15

The Civil Rights Movement

If you grew up in the United States, you probably learned about the Civil Rights Movement as a tale of righteous struggle pitting nonviolent protesters against the racial animus of the Jim Crow South. In middle school, your classes likely focused on the inspiring story of Rosa Parks and the uplifting rhetoric of Martin Luther King. This hagiography plays a vital role in our present-day sense of who we are and what America stands for; in the decades since his assassination, MLK has assumed the role of saint and moral conscience to our nation.

But even as it serves as a rallying point, this mythic account glosses over the messy politics of the early 1960s. Our goal this week will be to complicate our understanding of the many agents—both individuals and interest groups—whose struggle resulted in the passage of the Civil Rights Act in 1964.

Tuesday: The Historians' Accounts (click to view assignment)
Read both of the following historians, then choose ONE of the HW writeups to do. Post your HW as a response under the heading for Tuesday’s HW, below.

Sitkoff’s MLK-centered account
Read Ch 5 of Harvard Sitkoff’s The Struggle for Black Equality, which gives an account of 1963-64 from the perspective of Civil Rights activists.

As you read, watch for moments that complicate your understanding of the parties involved in the struggle for Civil Rights—who they were, what they wanted, and what motivated them. If you choose Sitkoff for HW, quote one such passage, then follow up with a comment about what you found striking.

Weiss on Civil Rights rivalries
Read Nancy Weiss’s chapter from The Civil Rights Movement in America: Essays, a 1986 scholarly anthology edited by David Lewis and Charles Eagles. This anthology is available online through the BU Library website; let me know if you need help accessing it.

If you choose Weiss for HW, quote and comment on the most interesting thing you learn from Weiss, perhaps noting how it adds to what you’ve already learned from Sitkoff. Be brief, but also as specific as possible, citing page #s as needed.

Thursday: Working from Primary-Source Research
Review Ch 10 from Strain’s The Long Sixties, then choose ONE of the following topics as a focus for doing a bit of primary source research:

  • Freedom Riders
  • the March on Washington
  • the Watts riots
  • Stokeley Carmichael, SNCC, “Black Power”
  • the Black Panthers in armed protest at the California State Legislature
  • another individual, organization or event of your choice.

Procedure: start by reading about the topic on Wikipedia, using that source to note searchable names, dates for narrowing the search, etc. The log into the Proquest Historical Newspapers database, setting up your search to include more than one newspaper. If you’re looking up a multiple word phrase like the Black Panthers, it may help to use quotation marks in the search box: “Black Panther.” Make sure to DOWNLOAD any news pieces that you find striking, so you can access them later.

Post ONE of the pieces you downloaded under the appropriate HW heading below, along with a Bibliographic citation. Identify your piece as “Editorial,” “News Article,” “Letter to the Editor,” or something else.

Then, sifting through the news pieces you found, what patterns or contrasts do you find? Use one or more of the articles you dug up to tell a story about 1960s news coverage of the event or organization you’re researching. Your story should be engaging but shouldn’t misrepresent the evidence. Some possible angles: “Newspaper X had it in for Person Y”; “Americans hoped for X in the summer of 19__, but they feared Y”; “African-Americans saw X differently from the white mainstream.” Using more than one article as evidence allows you to establish a pattern and so make a bolder claim.

Write up your historical narrative in 1-2 ¶s, citing sources by parenthetic reference to the article author’s last name, and then listing those sources at the bottom alphabetically along with a link for each one. If the article doesn’t have an author byline, use the newspaper title and date instead. (This is a form of source citation that’s ideal for HW assignments but poorly suited for finished essays; I’ll explain why in class.)

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37 responses to “W2: Civil Rights”

    • The discussion of Dr. King’s “Children’s Crusade” in Sitkoff’s reading was a powerful section to read. I had a brief understanding of the “crusade” from past classes, but I had never taken the time to dive into the complexity of the demonstration. It was startling to hear about the disgusting brutality towards these children, yet even more unsettling to hear that this brutality was not only expected but was the entire point of the protest. Dr. King’s justification for the crusade, about the media coverage it would provide, along with Sitkoff’s quote that “the needs of victory were all that mattered; and the rules of the game had changed” (8) left me confused in my own stance of the demonstration. I was posed with the question “how far is too far?” and left with a complete shift in my view of Dr. King. I do not know whether I am more sickened by the fact that children were used as pawns to generate outrage, or that this was the final domino needed to force President Kennedy’s hand. The brutality shown in the media is an influential proponent in causing change, but I cannot imagine putting such young children in this position. The entire situation left a bad taste in my mouth, but I believe that was its exact purpose. While I still do not fully know my stance on the protest, this section forced me to think more critically about morality and widened my view of the civil rights movement.

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    • Leading up to, during, and even after the passage to desegregate Birmingham, there were multiple different groups with different beliefs on how to achieve this freedom. Those who supported nonviolence versus those who could not wait for the nonviolent approaches. The NAACP, SCLC, CORE, and SNCC, all had their own goals within the Civil Rights movement. Out of all these perspectives, one that sucked out to me was that of William Moore. As the desegregation of Birmingham gained attention, the news of the violent and nonviolent occurrences due to the different kinds of protests had been broadcasted and shared. The deaths of black people were common and expected. But the death of a white Civil Rights activist is what enraged the public. Although it may not have been the case for Moore specifically, many of the white people who joined the civil rights movement did so at the face of the consequences of the black protests, not because they truly believed so. This shows how black people could not be free until white people themselves wanted black people to be free. Both the actions of the white civil rights activists and the black civil rights activists worked as stepping stoned in the larger scheme of attaining the civil rights bill.

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    • “Competition among the civil-rights organizations added to the militancy injected into the movement by those most recently mobilized. All the groups in the fight against racism sought the money necessary to battle successfully. Each tried to gain influence in Washington and standing in a local community, as well as the approval of the masses and the active support of true-believers. And each group, believing its solution best, sought power to affect the outcome of events” (136).

      This passage demonstrates that though there was one overall common goal (advancement of civil rights) amongst the different civil-rights organizations, each group still had their individual motivations. It seems as though many of the groups were motivated by being recognized as the group with the “correct” solution. This was particularly striking to me because this seems like a departure from the idea that they should use any means necessary to obtain their goal. “Any means” were no longer satisfactory, it had to be THEIR means. They would only consider themselves successful if the change brought about was generated by their ideas. They had to be right. This complexity is heightened by the involvement of money, as there was only so much of it that was available. Each group had to fight for it to prevent other groups from obtaining it. Perhaps this approach slowed the movement’s progress. It poses the question “What would have been different if there was no competition? What would have happened if all the money, volunteers, publicity, and support went to one unified group instead of many smaller groups?” This forced me to acknowledge that even with a seemingly unifying motive, human nature can generate competition, especially in the presence of limited resources.

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    • Martin Luther King’s Letter from a Birmingham Jail capitalizes on the onslaught of torment and persecution faced by black individuals during the Civil Rights movement. Specifically, by having to “forever fight a degenerating sense of ‘nobodiness,'” King alludes to the struggles of the parties he was involved with, including the SCLC and NAACP, as they fought for desegregation and liberty while the country was in turmoil (124). These parties, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, respectively, sought to advance anti-discrimination efforts, each with their unique upbringing. Moreover, the deplorable consequences of segregation affecting children were brought to light, as some questioned “why white people treat colored people so mean” (124). America’s then-future generations endured a childhood of pure hate; consequently, they dreamt of growing up to witness the vibrant colors of a world post-segregation. Ultimately, Sitkoff’s recount of King’s actions throughout this period verifies the credibility and respect that MLK and other Civil Rights activists receive today.

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    • For me one of the most striking passages was on page 153 when Sitkoff discusses the March on Washington, writing “SNCC staffers were livid that John Lewis, their chairman, had been forced to soften his words in deference to the demand of some of the white speakers.” This challenged the idea that I had been taught that despite the conflicts and competition between different organizations and players in the Civil Rights movement, the March on Washington was a moment of unity and progress. Instead, Sitkoff discusses how Lewis’ original speech about how the Civil Rights Act was “too little too late” turned into a message upholding it as a triumph (153). His criticisms of Kennedy and Democrats and Republicans alike were also removed from his speech, a testament to how power dynamics continued to come into play in censoring and shaping the March. This has shifted my perception of the March on Washington as peaceful and progressive, and opened my eyes to the realities of the continued conflicts, as well as the continued push to silence and slow down prominent Civil Rights leaders and their pushes for large and fast change. Sitkoff also discusses how other leaders who did not participate condemned the March as not nearly enough, such as Malcolm X and James Farmer (153). The division between the groups and their beliefs about strategies and approaches is echoed in Weiss’ writing, and particularly in the context of the March on Washington, paints the peaceful and united triumph in a different light.

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    • As readers analyze Chapter 5, Sitkoff’s The Struggle for Black Equality, they are presented with the prominent rise of Martin Luther King Jr. In this chapter, MLK embarks on many milestones, such as leading movements, organizing parties, and influencing the youth. These acts all revolved around King’s attitude of peace in his decisions. However, Sitkoff does an excellent job of highlighting the external factors that push MLK’s ideology of peace and making the reader consider the other side. As many know, another prominent leader that did not share similar views as King was Malcolm X. Although a leader for peace like King, Malcolm X had more extreme values. He believed that blacks should defend themselves by any means necessary and urged blacks to be prideful of their race. As he states, “You show me a black man who isn’t an extremist, and I’ll show you one who needs psychiatric attention!”
      These viewpoints are on the opposing side of the spectrum of MLK’s nonviolent teachings. However, Malcolm X had valid reasoning for teaching them. As the 1960s went on, the violence continued. Many Civil Rights leaders would be assassinated, including William Moore, a white activist for Civil Rights. What’s worse was that through these movements Martin Luther King held, violence would spark. Attacks from white supremacists, racist civilians, and even deputies would happen, leaving many black protesters, even younglings, injured. With all these attacks and factors playing at once, the black population became restless. As they crave peace and want to fight back, it plays well for Malcolm X and his views. So Sitkoff does an excellent job of using Malcolm X as an opposing spectrum to King, allowing readers to understand that both sides have valid reasoning for their ways.

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    • The passage in Chapter 5: We Shall Overcome by Sitkoff that stood out, and surprised me, reads, “The audacity of the students, the contempt of the blacks, stirred Connor‘s fear and loathing. After more than one thousand demonstrators had been seized, he turned his police on the crowd in the park. Shoving and kicking, the men in blue vented their fury. As the television cameras rolled and the photographers focused their lenses, snapping police dogs once again, leaped at the throats of taunting children, fire hoses bowled over rock-throwing blacks, and Connor‘s minions clubbed onlookers,” (Sitkoff 129-130). Although I knew many students protested against segregation, especially because it had an effect on their education, I didn’t know that this protest actually was the spark that led to Federal action and intervention in Birmingham. Following this excerpt, Sitkoff writes,”Separately, the Justice Department officials urged the city’s business establishment to make real concessions, not merely promises of future action. They threatened the white elite with the probable consequences of federal action and the economic effects of a bloodbath in Birmingham,” (Sitkoff 130).

      These passages stood out to me because we credit many notable individuals, such as King, Malcom X, Rosa Parks, etc. with being the catalyst that led to change, when in reality, it was the younger generation of the city’s inhabitants — the students and children — that actually acted to cause change in their homes. I also find it upsetting that we don’t learn the names and stories of these influential people, but rather, focus on the few that had the resources to lead.

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    • As Sitkoff mostly focuses on the work of MLK during the Civil Rights movement, suggesting him as the major leader of the period, Weiss looks at the period through a more collaborative lens. To do this, Weiss chooses to highlight the motivations of Whitney Young, such as with his words, “we must think today not in terms of individual leaders or of the approach– but of levels of leadership involving many people, with a variety of approaches and tactics” (46). The inclusion of Young and Weiss’s commentary on how the different roles of each vying organization led to both effective, purposeful efforts – for example, with the Council for United Civil Rights Leadership (CUCRL) – and soon after, to the irreparable division in thought between different civil rights groups, was part of the text that really struck me.

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    • Nancy Weiss uses various Civil Rights Groups and their efforts to illustrate the cooperation and even competition that occurred between organizations during the 1960’s. I found it extremely interesting to learn about how many different groups were able to mobilize the general public while, at times, also create divisions with their contradictory approaches to dealing with the violence and discrimination during this time. Weiss represents the cooperation found during this time by listing various organizations (like SNCC, CORE, SCLC, and NAACP) that were able to “accomplish large-scale social change” because of their diversity in goals and leadership, while also representing the ways in which this diversity “diverted time and energy” due to “suspicion and conflict between organizations” (Weiss 40). I found it interesting, though not surprising, how many organizations had such differing views on how to handle such chaotic times. Weiss makes sure to include a quote from Whitney Young that states the importance of thinking in terms of “levels of leadership involving many people, with a variety of approaches and tactics” (Weiss 46). The theme that seems to be most prevalent in Weiss’s account is that this movement was a constant tug-of-war between leaders, all with differing approaches, trying to mobilize the largest group of supporters. I found that Weiss’s account contrasted with that of Harvard Sitkoff as her account created a more complex web of activism rather than a movement driven primarily by Martin Luther King Jr.

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    • Weiss’ response offered an interesting approach in that it portrayed that even in the face of objective adversity, complexities exist amongst an oppressed group. This demonstrates that the civil rights movement is classified as an era that aimed to achieve an overarching goal, however, within this group of individuals that wanted to achieve this goal, differences causes division regarding how to achieve said goal. It is notably known that there are differences amongst leaders such as Malcolm X’s and MLK’s approach to gain civil rights, but to understand the extent for which a leader was heavily criticized for how they chose to approach an issue displays that even a common enemy wasn’t enough to completely unify a group. However, it was also interesting to see that varying and differing approaches came together to create a consensus. For example, MLK stated that, “Direct action is not a substitute for work in the courts and the halls of government” (46). In Chapter 6 of The Long Sixties, The Civil Rights Era was discussed and it discusses the importance of direct action to leaders such as MLK, and it specifically stated that direct action included boycotts, sit-ins, protest, but not legal action. Other groups, such as the NAACP, however, preferred legal and legislative action. To see two groups merge ideologies and tactics and to understand that these approaches are complimentary and imperative to the success of the civil rights movements offers another perspective that despite division, compromise and cooperation is still crucial to overall success.

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    • Sitkoff’s MLK-centric narrative focuses on the impact of prominent individual leadership, which Weiss contrasts in her discussion of the crucial alliances that elevated the Civil Rights Movement. Most notably, Weiss chronicles the seemingly accidental emergence of the Council for United Civil Rights Leadership and the progress that was made as a result of this new cooperation. The formation of this group is something I found particularly interesting, because one of the largest setbacks of the Civil Rights Movement was the inability for leaders to see eye-to-eye on solving the greater issue at hand (take MLK and Malcom X, for example). Although these leaders were fighting for the same cause, the differences in their approaches and specific goals halted their collaboration. That was, until Stephen Currier brought together leaders from NAACP, National Urban League, SNCC, CORE, SCLC, National Council of Negro Women, and NAACP Legal Defense & Educational Fund. For the first time, these groups had a purely constructive conversation about their views and goals, discussing the next steps for the improvement of the Civil Rights movement as well as taking the time to reflect on their own decision-making. What Sitkoff and Weiss both demonstrate in their accounts is the undeniable importance of civil political discourse. Between MLK’s bravery to peacefully stand up for his cause, and the open-minded persistent discussions in the CUCRL, there is no doubt that one key element to the Civil Rights movement was to encourage people to freely think and talk about the state of the world.

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    • The Freedom Rides began in May 1961. When these rides first started to be covered in the news, there was a focus on maintaining the peace. Whoever disrupted the peace was placed in a negative light in the news. Often, this worked against the Freedom Riders, and the general desegregation movement, as demonstrated by this exchange between a young black man and a police officer that occurred after the man asked for directions to the bus station dining area: “‘Could you give us your reasons for arresting us?’ Davis asked. ‘Disturbing the peace,’ Ray replied. ‘I don’t think we’re disturbing any peace,’ Davis answered. ‘I’m hungry’”(Chicago Defender, May 31, 1961). This example demonstrates that the white mainstream viewed the simple existence of Black people as a disturbance in the peace, and therefore, their mere existence was a crime. The news further expanded on this idea by delineating the Freedom Riders from the cause of desegregation and instead making them seem as though they were solely perpetuators of violence. An Indiana senator’s statement that “[he is] opposed to Southern segregation laws but disapproves also of “freedom riders” defiance of such laws” (Los Angeles Time, May 29, 1961) that was printed in the news highlights that many officials used their status to spread the idea that these Freedom Rides weren’t actually helping the movement because of the outrage and violence that they caused. I found it especially significant that this senator mentions that he is “opposed to Southern segregation laws” in order to separate the Freedom Riders from the effort to end segregation and paint them as offenders without cause.

      As the Freedom Rides continued into December of 1961, the narrative that was being distributed through the news began to shift. While the news articles do still acknowledge the violence and outrage brought by the people who oppose the Freedom Rides, they begin to concentrate on the legal and moral aspect of the movement. Many people wanted the Freedom Rides to end, and called for local and federal judges to put a stop to them. This, however, brought about a moral and legal dilemma. As one article put it, “failure of the court to stop the rides … would bring on ‘immediate and irreparable injury, loss, and damage’” (Chicago Tribune, Dec 4, 1961). This, of course, places the particular judge that did bar the Freedom Rides from continuing in a positive light. However, the legal argument continues because federal judges previously had stated that “The Freedom Riders’ actions ‘may be a legal right’” (Sitton). The shift from the focus of keeping the peace into the legal abilities to end the Freedom Rides is particularly interesting because it reveals that the Freedom Rides themselves are not the source of the violence. Rather, the people that oppose them are. There were very few legal grounds to end the Freedom Rides because they were “a citizen’s exercise of his constitutional rights” (Sitton). The rides themselves were not inherently violent. Therefore, it follows that when violence from the opposition was not sufficient in ending the Freedom Rides, they had to turn to the legal route. The path of negatively painting the Freedom Rides as violent and the subsequent shift into the legal debate strongly implies that the news itself was a participant in spreading the negative categorization of the Freedom Rides and the positive association with ending them.

      “BARS FREEDOM RIDES TO TENSE SOUTHERN CITY: FEDERAL JUDGE ACTS TO END VIOLENCE.” *Chicago Daily Tribune (1923-1963),* Dec 04 1961, p. 1. *ProQuest.* link

      “‘FREEDOM RIDERS’ OPEN NEW DRIVE: ‘FREEDOM RIDERS’ OPEN NEW DRIVE ‘FREEDOM RIDERS’ OPEN NEW DRIVE IN 2 STATES.” *Los Angeles Times (1923-1995)*, May 29, 1961, pp. 1*. ProQuest*link

      “Mississippi Jails Train Freedom Riders: Jail 8 Train Freedom Riders in Jackson Integration Attempt.” *Chicago Daily Defender (Daily Edition) (1960-1973)*, May 31, 1961, pp. 1*. ProQuest*link

      Sitton, Claude. “U.S. COURT ENJOINS FREEDOM RIDERS IN ALABAMA TRIPS: JUDGE CITES ‘UNDUE BURDEN ON INTERSTATE COMMERCE’ — POLICE ALSO CRITICIZED U.S. COURT ENJOINS FREEDOM RIDERS.” *New York Times (1923-)*, Jun 03, 1961, pp. 1*. ProQuest*link

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    • Around the height of the Civil Rights movement, many activists were coming together to combat the many forms of discrimination that black people felt. One such organization that came to be from these times was the Black Panther Party. The Black Panther Party was founded by Bobby Seale and Huey Newton in 1966 to promote black nationalism through ways such as challenging police brutality. Almost a decade after its founding, founder Bobby Seale was indicted for kidnapping and murder. Amidst this entire case, the New York Times kept the public informed in a subjective manner that shed as much positive light on Seale while maintaining to report based on factual occurrences.
      When Seale was originally indicted in the beginning of 1970, the NYT released an article detailing the events and the different sides of the story of the murder of Alex Rackley. While explaining how and why the Panthers believed it was George Sams rather than Bobby Seale who was behind the murder, the article points out that Sams “acquired the nickname ‘Crazy George’” (Darnton). Through the use of select evidence, the author creates a sense of rationale for Bobby by painting the Panther’s opposing side as ‘crazy’. Although the article continues to share facts on both sides of the conflict, such nuances pushes the public eye to favor the side of Bobby Seale. This theme continues in an article published months later by the NYT in which the author directly quotes Seale and his opinions during the court trial. Within the article, Seale states “’I don’t remember anyone telling me anything’” and “’All I do, is say, ‘here, somebody check on some George Sams or George somebody’” (Lelyved). By using these direct quotes, the author creates a sense of intimacy with the general public and Seale, further pushing an innocent narrative. Finally, the NYT urges the public to know and understand Seale by publishing an article around that same time outlining Seale and his rise to power through the Black Panther Party. Titled “Leader of Panthers: Bobby George Seale” (Van Gelder), the piece paints Seale in a humanistic light, allowing the readers to resonate with Seale himself and understand his struggles. The NYT portrays a reoccurring pattern of siding with Seale and seems to want their readers too as well. This indicated that Bobby Seale, along with the rest of the Black Panther Party, most probably had an amicable relationship with the NYT and shared similar goals within the scope of public opinion.

      JOHN DARNTON Special to The New,York Times. “New Haven is Looking with Foreboding to the Murder Trial of Bobby Seale, the Black Panther Leader.” New York Times (1923-), Mar 22 1970, p. 57. ProQuest. Web. 14 Sep. 2022

      JOSEPH LELYVELD Special to The New,York Times. “SEALE TESTIFIES AT PANTHER TRIAL: DENIES HE KNEW OF RACKLEY WHEN HE VISITED PARTY OFFICE IN NEW HAVEN SEALE TESTIFIES AT PANTHER TRIAL.” New York Times (1923-), Aug 22 1970, p. 1. ProQuest. Web. 14 Sep. 2022 .

      LAWRENCE, VAN G. “Leader of Panthers: Bobby George Seale.” New York Times (1923-), Aug 22 1970, p. 11. ProQuest. Web. 14 Sep. 2022 .

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    • The Watts Riots initiated in Watts, Los Angeles, as an uprising for conflict between the public and police. Specifically, on August 11, 1965, Marquette Frye, a black man driving under the influence, was arrested, and the subsequent events during that evening, including Marquette’s brother and mother getting involved at the scene and being pushed around, sparked an angry mob to form. This erupting chaos led to the beginning of the week-long riots, which forced the establishment of a curfew, thousands of National Guardsmen to be deployed, and 34 deaths. However, the direct root of the disorder is not necessarily set in stone, as “what followed is still subject to debate” (Folkart).

      A consistent theme throughout the articles regarding the Watts Riots is, in an oxymoronic sense, the recalling of contrasting information; specifically, the accounts acquired from these articles agree that there are still holes within the creation of the riots, as “it included many shades of opinion and many groups took their lumps, from the police to the politicians, from the responsible to the rabble” (Shain). However, a more notable take on the Watts Riots was The New York Times’ article, in which they outlined the impact of the riots after three months. This shift in perspective enables the reader to gain a profound viewpoint of the incident, covering first-hand reports of those who experienced or took part in the riots. Among these individuals was Ralph Reece, a high school graduate and executive director of SLANT (Self Leadership for All Nationalities Today), who classified the riot as “a revolt [that] didn’t help” (Roberts). Interpreting from Reece’s point of view, the reader is exposed to the true consequences this rebellion had on the city, state, and country in general. The recurring concept of multiple standpoints is further verified from a story describing a 17-year-old boy shooting a truck driver, simply because he “wanted to be the big man” (The Washington Post, March 17, 1966). This occurrence sums up the genuine purpose of the Watts Riots well: a revolution that stressed the need for implicit change within a world destined for pure hate.

      Folkart, Burt A. “Marquette Frye, Whose Arrest Ignited the Watts Riots in 1965, Dies at Age 42: FRYE: Arrest Ignited 1965 Watts Riots.” Los Angeles Times (1923-1995), Dec 25 1986, p. 2. ProQuest. Web. 14 Sep. 2022 . Link
      GENE ROBERTS Special to The New,York Times. “Negroes Still Angry and Jobless Three Months After Watts Riot: 3 Months After Riot, Negroes in Watts Area are Still Resentful.” New York Times (1923-), Nov 07 1965, p. 1. ProQuest. Web. 14 Sep. 2022 . Link
      Shain, Percy. “NIGHT WATCH: CBS REPORTS ON WATTS RIOT WATTS: RIOT OR REVOLT, CH. 5.” Boston Globe (1960-), Dec 08 1965, p. 18. ProQuest. Web. 14 Sep. 2022 . Link
      “The Morning After New Watts Riot: ‘I’m Sorry I Shot that White Dude’: The Morning After New Watts Riot.” The Washington Post, Times Herald (1959-1973), Mar 17 1966, p. 2. ProQuest. Web. 14 Sep. 2022 . Link

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    • The Watts riots were a series of riots in Los Angeles in August of 1965, beginning with a traffic stop of a Black man by a white officer. Much of the riots included the involvement and driving force of young people. Public opinion on the youth involved in the Watts riot varied widely, based on news articles and primary sources from the time. One article from the Los Angeles Times, with an interview from a welfare aid, quotes that “What happened in Watts is ‘tragically tied to inadequacies in the social machinery'”, and refers specifically to young men between the ages of 18-25, who made up the majority of arrests from the riots and were described as “‘the most desperate class in society today'” by the same welfare worker (Townsend). This is a more understanding and conscientious approach to evaluating the young people involved in the riots, looking at the causes and reasoning behind their perspectives and their actions. Others took a completely different approach, as a self described missionary quoted in the New York Times “blamed restless teenagers. ‘Their parents can’t seem to do anything and the police can’t do anything either.’ She said.” (Bart). This perspective, unlike the first, takes a much more accusatory tone towards the young people involved in the riots, and places the blame on them, instead of on the systems and structures put in place that brought them to that place. This contrast is broadened out in the more general controversy and conversation within news articles over whether the riots were the result of violent and feral agitators or a response to pent up frustrations over systematic injustices and the pain of the oppressed, captured in an article contrasting the views of Dwight D. Eisenhower and Robert Kennedy on this very issue (Chicago Defender,1965). One of the most striking contrasts in the conversation about the role of young people was within one article, which describes both young people engaging in violent and aggressive behaviors, as well as children severely injured by the riots, a dichotomy between the victims and the perpetrators, both belonging to the same demographic group (Turner). The article described some children wielding guns and threatening police, while others lay cut and bleeding on the streets (Turner). The perspectives and viewpoints on young people involved in the riots can be easily drawn out in a larger way to represent the controversy over the riots as a whole.

      Bart, Peter. Special to The New,York Times. “New Negro Riots Erupt on Coast; 3 Reported Shot: Police Seal Off 20 Blocks — Strife Called Worst in Los Angeles History New Riots Erupt in Los Angeles.” New York Times (1923-), Aug 13 1965, p. 1. ProQuest. Web. 14 Sep. 2022 .

      Townsend, Dorothy. “‘Desperate’ Youth Role in Riot Cited: Jobless, Unskilled Segment had Little to Lose, Welfare Aide Says.” Los Angeles Times (1923-1995), Sep 01, 1965, pp. 1. ProQuest, https://ezproxy.bu.edu/login?q.....tid%3D9676.

      Turner, Wallace. Special to The New,York Times. “Discontent and Hate Viewed as Factors in Coast Violence: Observers Study Factors in Riots.” New York Times (1923-), Aug 15 1965, p. 1. ProQuest. Web. 14 Sep. 2022 .

      “Leaders at Odds Over L. A. Riot: Political..” The Chicago Defender (National edition) (1921-1967), Aug 21 1965, p. 5. ProQuest. Web. 14 Sep. 2022 .

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    • Throughout the 1960s, there seemed to be debate over how certain revolutionary activists died, especially so when the Federal Government or local police institutions had a part in the assassination. This was the case for Fred Hampton, a Black Panther Party Leader in Chicago, Illinois. On December 4, 1969, Fred Hampton’s apartment in Chicago was raided by a unit in Cooke County, aided by the Chicago Police Department and the FBI. Throughout certain articles, like the Chicago Daily Defender, Hampton is remembered as a “leader” with a “strong moral consciousness” who should be used as an example for “future Freds” (Jackson 1). His death is referred to as a “killing” and “assassination” by Jesse Jackson in the Chicago Daily Defender.

      Following his death, however, articles were published reviewing the documentary that had been started by Howard Alk and Michael Gray who, according to the Chicago Tribune, was both “investigative and propagandistic” (Siskel 1). It was through this documentary that many started to comment on whether Hampton’s death was indeed the “desperate shootout” described by Chicago Police, or an assassination orchestrated by the Federal Government. The documentary was reviewed by the Los Angeles Times as well, with Kevin Thomas noting the “confident denials” made by “Edward V. Hanrahan,” the Chicago State’s Attorney at the time (Thomas 1). Through and through we see various examples of contrasting views that paint very different pictures of December 4, 1969.

      Jackson, Jesse. “On the Case: On Fred Hampton”. Chicago Daily Defender. Dec 13 1969. https://www.proquest.com/cv_16.....untid=9676

      Siskel, Gene. “The Murder of Fred Hampton”. New York Times. May 7 1971. https://www.proquest.com/cv_16.....untid=9676

      Thomas, Kevin. “Fred Hampton to Benefit Fund”. Los Angeles Times. Mar 4 1977. https://www.proquest.com/cv_16.....untid=9676

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    • On May 2, 1967, 26 armed Black men crashed the California State Capitol. These men, named the “Black Panthers”, came in protest of a bill that would effectively ban firearms from public spaces, except in the hands of police. This demonstration at the capitol took place moments before Ronald Regan, sitting as California Governor at the time, was set to go meet visiting children, located on the lawn of the capitol. Regan remained inside. During the protest, one man from the group named Huey P. Newton chose to identify himself to the police. He advised the public to “take careful note of the racist California legislature which is now considering legislation aimed at keeping the black people disarmed and powerless”, therefore outlining the Black Panther’s cause (Korman).
      The public was shocked. Many could not believe that such an incident would occur in America and some took their outrage as far as attacking the California government as a whole. Four days after the protest, an editorial article was released in the Washington Post, where one citizen asserted that California was making “deadly firearms of every character available to any thug, drunk, manic, hophead, punk or gangster” (The Washington Post, Times Herald (1959-1973). Law enforcement shared a similar view of the Black Panthers, deeming them a “vicious vigilante group dedicated to the slaughter of innocent policemen” (Shaw). Despite these negative reactions and the overall lack of violence during the event, this demonstration undoubtedly brought the Panthers front and center in public view. A slew of headlines surrounding the group dominated newspapers in the subsequent weeks and months. Titles such as “Three Panthers Accused of Plotting to Slay Indiana Officers” and “Oakland Police Shot Up Panther Offices” detailed numerous occurrences of Panther-Police violence. This being said, there were also many people in support of the Panthers and their principles. They did not share the view held by authorities, of the Black Panthers being a “vicious vigilante group”, but rather as a group that would not attack first but would surely pounce if backed into a corner. The Panthers themselves assert that their characterization of being violent and immoral is false and that they are a “lot more moral and responsible than any white man” (Shaw). In spite of the split in public opinion, this demonstration had a great effect on bringing the Black Panthers and their fight to the center stage of public view.

      Korman, Seymour. “Gunmen Invade W. Coast Capitol: NEGROES SET OFF UPROAR IN CALIFORNIA Arrest 26; Seize 15 Weapons.” Chicago Tribune (1963-1996), May 03 1967, p. 1. ProQuest. Web. 14 Sep. 2022 .
      “Only in America.” The Washington Post, Times Herald (1959-1973), May 06 1967, p. 1. ProQuest. Web. 14 Sep. 2022 .
      Shaw, David. “WHO ARE THEY? WHAT DO THEY WANT?: BLACK PANTHERS EMERGE WITHIN COMMUNITY BLACK PANTHERS ROLE OF PANTHERS PANTHERS.” Los Angeles Times (1923-1995), Jun 15 1969, p. 4. ProQuest. Web. 14 Sep. 2022 .

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    • August 11th, 1965. Nearly six months after the assassination of Malcolm X in New York City. But in this incident, we must go to Los Angeles. Marquette Frye, a 21-year-old African American man, was driving home with his mother, Rena. Unfortunately, Marquette was drunk while driving, and the cops pulled him over. As the cops tried to arrest Marquette, he resisted, along with his mother. This resistance resulted in the officers striking Marquette with a baton for disobedience. Unfortunately for the officers, a crowd of witnesses saw the event live. Officers attacking a young African-American during that time, along with a rumor that they kicked a pregnant woman in the process? That is a recipe for disaster, and that’s what followed. For six days, riots ensued in the Watts neighborhood. Buildings burned, 34 lives were lost, and 14,000 California Army National Guard members had to suppress the riots. Unfortunately, history would repeat itself with the 1991 beating of Rodney King. In that event, four officers attacked King with batons and an electric stun gun for the same mistake Marquette made: driving while intoxicated. With this similarity, Richard Serrano then uses this event to draw a comparison between the two events, saying:

      During the gummer riots of 1965, television screens lit with black and white images of Los Angeles police officers clubbing black residents in an effort to regain order…This year, the television images of four white police officers standing over the black motorist with batons and boots and an electric stun gun shocked the nation into a new examination of police abuse. (Serrano, 1)

      With these events going down, I noticed a trend quite intriguing. The main goal of the police is to protect the civilians of their respective precincts. To become something that the youth idolize. However, this is not the case. These officers have a superiority complex that corrupts them when wearing the uniform. In addition, the internalized racism within their systems is still occurring. With these factors, the police force has strayed away from its purpose. In reality, they’re trapped in a cycle, cleansing their reputations from moments in history where the general public views them as villains. Right when they think they’re in the clear, another event happens and dumps even more mud on their badges. This cycle is significant for people to recognize because, amid this chaotic scene, the people are left handicapped in trying to recover from these tragic events. As Judith Cummings states in her article 20 Years After Riots, Watts Still Smolders, “The official adult unemployment rate in Watts climbed from 11.8 percent at the time of the 1960 census to 19.7 percent in 1980” (Cummings). In addition to unemployment comes the problems with gangs and drugs, where civilians in poverty sell illegal substances as an alternative for making some passive income. These problems have solutions, with the police department being one of them. However, their desperation to be viewed as a safe and heroic part of society is a liability because they continue to repeatedly make the same mistakes and keep themselves in the cycle of police brutality, and civilians are left stranded to suffer.
      Works Cited

      By JUDITH CUMMINGS Special to The New,York Times. “20 Years After Riots, Watts Still Smolders.” New York Times (1923-), Aug 12, 1985, pp. 1. ProQuest, https://ezproxy.bu.edu/login?q.....tid%3D9676.
      Works Cited

      RICHARD A SERRANO TIMES,STAFF WRITER. “The Dreams of LAPD’s Class of 1965 Become Tarnished: Police: The Academy’s Graduates had to Rebuild an Image After the Watts Riots. Now, the Rodney King Beating has Undone Much of that Work.” Los Angeles Times (1923-1995), Jan 21, 1992, pp. 1. ProQuest, https://ezproxy.bu.edu/login?q.....tid%3D9676.

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    • Could Stokely Carmichael be the hope that the Civil Rights movement needed? What halted many civil rights organizations from greater progress and success was the difficulty to see eye to eye with others fighting for similar causes. Many criticized Martin Luther King Jr’s nonviolent approach, believing that it was entirely ineffective. On the other hand, others disagreed with the tactics of Malcolm X, who employed more hostile, shocking tactics to ignite his same passion in others. At the intersection of these varied approaches to Civil Rights stood Stokely Carmichael, a young Trinidadan activist with the goal of unity.
      From a Trinidad background and having grown up in Harlem, Carmichael became an advocate for equality and civil rights, taking a liking to writers like Marx during his school years. He was a prominent figure in political organizations, most notably his founding roles in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and the Black Panther Party. While Martin Luther King Jr and Malcolm X were set apart by their approaches to violence, Carmichael exemplified qualities of both figures. Having been part of SNCC, Carmichael enforced his views on a Mississippi Freedom Ride, spending 49 days in Mississippi State Penitentiary, demonstrating his dedication to living his cause. Carmichael took a nonviolent yet proactive approach to the Civil Rights Movement, successfully having “called attention to the growing spirit of black consciousness” (New York Times 1966), taking an approach that fostered alignments between the black and white communities of the era. Stokely Carmichael could be the overlooked icon of the Civil Rights Era.

      “Black Power Prophet: Stokely Carmichael.” New York Times (1923-), Aug 05, 1966, pp. 10. ProQuest, https://ezproxy.bu.edu/login?q.....tid%3D9676.
      Newspaper Article

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    • In 1967, Republican Don Mulford of the California State Legislature introduced the Mulford Act, which only allowed individuals with a permit to publicly carry a loaded firearm. Though it is widely concluded today that the bill was a direct method to disarm the Panthers who posed threat to the white-centric institutions of the US – for example, the Oakland police force -, intention of the bill back in 1967 was unclear. Thus, when a group of Panthers entered the State Capitol in Sacramento holding a multitude of firearms to protest for their right to defend themselves in the midst of growing violence towards black people, the general public and news media were intimidated by them, and looked at their guns instead of listening to their message.

      This sentiment brought on by reporters, writers, and the greater news community can foremost be seen in their way of describing the Panthers. Each of the three news articles I focused on, the members were identified as “Armed Negroes Protest Gun Bill,” (New York TImes, 1967) “Heavily Armed Negro members…,” (Gillam) “A band of young negroes” (Rankin). According to insights from Chapter 10 of The Long Sixties, society shifted from using the more outdated term “negro” to “black person” via the Black Power movement around this time, so the decision for these articles to not only stick to use of the term “negro,” but to also describe them as such – and not initially as a member of the Black Panther Part of Self-Defense – paints the picture of a random group of men invading the Capitol rather than an organized group fighting for specific protections. Additionally, several of the news sources I looked into described the protest and aftermath “occurred just at the time Gov. Reagan was to meet an eighth-grade social studies class on the Capitol’s west lawn for a fried chicken lunch” (Rankin). I can’t assert that the only reason why this detail was included in the news articles was to embolden the media’s claim that the Panther’s protest was uncalled for – it was just a fact of the matter – , but it certainly adds to their argument. Similar to our discussion on involving children in protests last class, the act of children viewing a protest, and thus, being involved in a potentially violent situation, is a touchy subject, something we startled to grapple with in Sitkoff’s text. There’s no denying that this heightens the media’s portrayal of the Panthers as a solely harmful group. It encourages the reader of such newspaper articles to stand intimidated by the group – as many white people were during the time – rather than to ask why the Panthers took on such extreme measures, even in the presence of children, in order to rally for change.

      “ARMED NEGROES PROTEST GUN BILL.” New York Times (1923-), May 3, 1967, pp. 23. ProQuest.
      Gillam, Jerry. “Reagan Gets Bill on Loaded Guns.” Los Angeles Times (1923-1995), Jul 28, 1967, pp. 3. ProQuest.
      Rankin, Jerry. “Heavily Armed Negro Group Walks Into Assembly Chamber.” Los Angeles Times (1923-1995), May 3, 1967, pp. 3. ProQuest.

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  6. News Article:
    NIGHT_WATCH_CBS_REPORTS_ON_M-3.pdf

    Shain, Percy. “NIGHT WATCH: CBS REPORTS ON WATTS RIOT WATTS: RIOT OR REVOLT, CH. 5.” Boston Globe (1960-), Dec 08 1965, p. 18. ProQuest. Web. 15 Sep. 2022 .

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